Apocrifi dell'Antico Testamento

Secondo una tradizione antichissima, il male ebbe origine quando tra gli uomini nacquero "ragazze belle di aspetto", e "gli angeli, figli del cielo, le videro e se ne innamorarono". Da quel momento, con l. a. discesa degli angeli e los angeles loro unione con gli esseri umani, il peccato si diffuse su tutta l. a. Terra. Questo mito delle origini, non incluso nel canone della Bibbia, è raccontato in uno dei testi attribuiti al patriarca Enoc in cui si intrecciano profonde riflessioni sul male e sul rapporto dell'uomo con Dio, scandagliate dagli ebrei fin dal pace del travagliato esilio babilonese. Non è un caso isolato. È da versioni parallele di tal fatta che fiorirono rami secondari e dimenticati della tradizione biblica, specchio della varietà d'idee che serpeggiava nella Palestina del giudaismo precristiano: visioni teologiche substitute, spesso apertamente confliggenti con le posizioni ufficiali, che approdano fino al II secolo d.C, ponendo le basi delle comunità protocristiane. Composizioni come le "apocalissi", i testamenti di patriarchi e le raccolte di proverbi e salmi si mescolano, sotto strati di secoli, a immaginifici miti e compilazioni cosmogoniche, fino a perdersi nel pace e scomparire sotto i colpi dell'ortodossia. Fu così che gli Apocrifi dell'Antico Testamento - qui raccolti in un nucleo di testi significativi, mai tradotti prima in italiano - furono trascurati in keeping with millenni e rivalutati nella loro importanza cruciale solo dopo i rinvenimenti di Qumran.

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Apocrifi dell'Antico Testamento

Secondo una tradizione antichissima, il male ebbe origine quando tra gli uomini nacquero "ragazze belle di aspetto", e "gli angeli, figli del cielo, le videro e se ne innamorarono". Da quel momento, con l. a. discesa degli angeli e l. a. loro unione con gli esseri umani, il peccato si diffuse su tutta l. a. Terra.

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And on this note, let us now look more closely at the ethnographic context in which the adat gawai question will be played out. Part I Chapter 1 Looking Like a Culture: Moden -ity and Multiculturalism in a Malaysian Village O ne Saturday during the dry season, I took my adoptive cousins to play at our favorite riverine haunt— a low-running creek on the outskirts of the village. Cars zoomed past on the main road as we splashed about in the sun-dappled water, picking up pebbles, foliage, plastic snack packets, and— as six-year-old Davina was thrilled to discover— some long, leafy stems of bamboo that had fallen from the bank.

17 At official functions, moreover, I was often invited to sit with or meet the (usually male) VIPs in attendance by the village head, who, after several months, took great pleasure in informing them that I was a student from Cambridge University who had now become a child of Benuk. The useful ambiguity of my position was further complicated by various expectations, obligations, and (mis)understandings. The fact that I was a Singaporean Chinese automatically placed me in a wealthy, well-connected bracket, which meant that I was occasionally expected to display my largesse by doling out presents from the city, or even helping so-and-so’s second cousin’s son-in-law find a job.

Or do claims of its coherence dissolve in the face of local politics and cultural particularity? Should we, for that matter, be talking about Christianities rather than a single Christianity? For Robbins and his colleagues, the first suggestion is, unsurprisingly, the most compelling. 7 In such settings, the methodological temptation to treat Christianity as culture (Robbins 2004) and vice versa is undoubtedly high (see also Englund 2007: 482–483; Hann 2007: 405). And despite acknowledging that alternative forms of Christianity exist (Bialecki, Haynes, and Robbins 2008: 1152; Engelke 2010: 196; Howell 2003; Robbins 2003: 198, 2007: 17; Tomlinson and Engelke 2006: 19), these scholars have had a propensity to use the ideal, rupture-oriented Protestant model employed by Robbins (2007: 11, n.

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